Chocolate giant Hershey has been the target of unwanted smart phone campaigns recently in a battle to combat child labor violations. The Raise the Bar Hershey campaign, started by four activist organizations, developed “Consumer Alert” cards that include a QR code (like a barcode) to warn shoppers about the labor practices.

With the ability of ICTs to distribute information faster and farther than ever, it is no surprise that people all over the world are able to start campaigns that promote fair labor practices, transparency and equality, often gaining followers and media attention almost immediately. Those informed about a particular issue can raise awareness on it using social media like Facebook, posting a video on YouTube, or starting their own campaign on sites like Change.org, an organization that helps individuals or groups run social change campaigns. Knowmore.org empowers consumers to purchase products and support companies that promote fair trade, human rights, and democracy. The site makes it easy to determine which corporations use unethical (or ethical) practices through its browser extension that alerts consumers on where companies stand on particular issues as they browse the company websites.

Consumer alert placed next to Hershey displays in supermarkets

Photo credit: news.change.org

The Raise the Bar campaigners claim that Hershey “lags behind its competitors” in enforcing labor rights standards among its suppliers and in tracing the source of its cocoa which comes largely from West Africa, an area known for forced labor, child labor and human trafficking. Volunteers have been placing the alert cards next to Hershey products and displays, and shoppers are able to scan the code by using smartphone applications. The QR code on the cards opens a web page on the campaign’s website, allowing consumers to take action immediately by signing a petition on Change.org or getting involved in other ways.

QR codes have been used by shop owners to offer information and coupons to shoppers as they pass by as well as to show pictures of meals on restaurant menus. The codes can be easily built by anyone using free online tools.

Raise the Bar Hershey QR code- smart phone app takes consumers to website

Photo credit: raisethebarhershey.org

Other organizations also use smartphones in order to monitor businesses to ensure they are following labor laws.  Free2Work evaluates major companies around the world based on their labor policies and has established a mobile app that allows consumers to easily find companies, share information, and receive updates. The United States Department of Labor has its own smartphone application for workers to keep track of their wages to help guarantee that they receive proper compensation. Through the app, employees can track their work hours for any of their employers, as well as access information on wage laws.

As smartphones become more advanced, the potential for increasing transparency and promoting fair labor practices worldwide grows. Concerned citizens have a plethora of tools at their disposal to gain and redistribute information on a topic, allowing them to hold companies, as well as governments, accountable to fair labor standards. Time will tell whether this will force companies to step up their standards.

This summer I have wrote a lot about good governance programs to fight corruption, improve government effectiveness and accountability, and how they they are crucial to developing countries economic development, overall prosperity, and empowerment of civil society. One issue, however, can be the monitoring and evaluation of democracy and governance projects, which can sometimes be difficult–public opinion surveys as a form of measurement can be fraudulent, or uneven, and systems can be disorderly. Although ICTs are not a panacea for a development, they can help to streamline democratic and good governance strategies, and embolden civil society to play a participatory role. Some of the ways ICTs can be employed in democracy and governance projects, such as e-government strategies, election monitoring systems and enabling citizen media, can drastically improve the efficiency of these initiatives. Based on what I have learned so far, below are suggestions for monitoring and evaluation for an e-governance strategy, how to implement an election monitoring system from the beginning til the end, and how best to measure the effectiveness of citizen media:

1. E-government and Participation

  • Benefits: Transparency can be enhanced through the free sharing of government data based on open standards. Citizens are empowered to question the actions of regulators and bring up issues. The ability of e-government to handle speed and complexity can also underpin regulatory reform.  E-government can add agility to public service delivery to help governments respond to an expanded set of demands even as revenues fall short.

First, on the project level, question if the inputs used for implementation and direct deliverables were actually produced. The government’s progression or regression should not rely solely on this because there are other outside variables. For the overall implementation, ask if the resources requested in place, and were the benchmarks that were set reached? Featured below is a timeline on how to implement a good e-government strategy.

Phases of e-government

Source: ITU

 

2. Strengthen Rule of Law with Crowdsource Election monitoring:

  • Benefits: Support for election monitoring may be provided prior to and/or during national or local elections and can encourage citizens to share reports from their community about voting crimes, ballot stuffing and map these crimes using Ushahidi. By documenting election crimes, it can provide evidence of corrupt practices by election officials, and empower citizens to become more engaged.
  • Drawbacks: Publicizing information to the  broad public means without checking the information’s validity these systems can be abused in favor of one political party or the other, and elections can be highly contested.
Photo Credit: movement.org

Photo Credit: movement.org

 

Below are systematic instructions on how to implement the “all other stuff” needed for a election monitoring system, like Ushahidi:

Step 1. Create a timeline that includes goals you have accomplished by different marker points leading up to the election, and reaching target audiences

Step 2. The more information reports the better for the platform, but consider a primary goal and focus on filtering information about that goal to the platform, put it in the About section.

Step 3. Target your audience and know how they can be reached for example

  • Community partners
  • Crowd
  • Volunteers

Step 4. Figure out who your allies are—NGOs and civil society organizations that will want to support, and provide resources for more free and fair elections in your country. Figure out what groups would be best for voter education, voter registration drives, civic engagement or anti-corruption. Building a new strategy on top of the already existing ones will help to promote the campaign and making it more sustainable overtime.

Step 5. Reach out and meet with the groups you have targeted—and make sure to identify people from that country living abroad, reach out to the diaspora. Ask yourself the following questions when the program is implemented: should all reports be part of the same platform? Should reports come in before voting begins or just offenses taking place during elections? What about outreach after the election takes place for follow-up M&E?

Step 6. Get the word out to as many citizens as possible using flyers, local media, and target online influencers, such as those on Twitter or Facebook. Attract volunteers to assist in the overall outreach and publicity plan—a volunteer coordinator, technical advisor and, if possible, a verification team or local representatives, to relay and confirm what monitoring the electoral processes is all about.

Step 7. Information sources:

  • Mobiles: Frontline SMS can work as reception software for submissions via text.
  • Email/Twitter/Facebook: Consider creating a web form to link people to on social networks which asks for everything you need, including, detailed location information, category and multimedia.
  • Media Reports and Journalists: Have volunteers look in the news for relevant information to be included in the reports
  • Verification team: Either a local organization or journalist works best—on site that is able to receive alerts from the platform on events happening around their polling stations to be able to verify what is going on. Cuidemos el Voto modeled Ushahidi slightly for incoming reports from whitelisted people to show up automatically, for example non-governmental election monitoring organizations.

Step 9. Monitoring and Evaluation

  • Closing the loop of information: How will you show citizens who provided information on electoral fraud that you received it? Have a system in place to tell community representatives that the information was received and it will be acted upon.
  • How will you act on that information in the country’s courtrooms, though? Make sure to preserve the documentation of election fraud that your platform has received so that it can serve to hold the perpetrators accountable in court.

3. Citizen Media

Citizen media allows content to be produced by private citizens outside of large media conglomerates and state run media outlets to tell their stories and provide bottom up information. Also known as citizen journalism, participatory media, and democratic media, citizen media is burgeoning with all of the technological tools and systems available that simplify the production and distribution of media

  1. Benefits: In addition to the above-mentioned benefits, citizen media also allows a sense of community where up-to date news covers a variety of angles, stories, and topics found in hard to reach places.
  2. Drawbacks: It can be risky for the citizens journalists and their supporters. They can be identified and targeted by members of the oppression, where they will be put in jail or tortured. There is no gatekeeping, verifying, or regulating the information—this is not a problem when it comes to video or photos, but definitely with information. Also, connectivity issues may not allow citizens to upload the information.
  3. Helpful Resources: This journalist’s toolkit is a training site for multimedia and online journalists.
  4. Monitoring and Evaluation for citizen media projects: Governments have foreign policy and economic agendas that guide their choices on how they fund projects, therefore, it’s important that the grantees and activists understand and share the same objectives. This is also beneficial to learn from projects over time to avoid redundancy and enhance efficiency of implementation.
  5. Measurement approaches—Some corporate funding agencies like the Gates Foundation, Skoll Foundation, and Omidyar Network insist on measuring citizen media projects, while other funding agencies like the Knight Foundation insist less on measurement. It’s important to measure both quantitative and qualitative outcomes and give constructive feedback to the contributors so that they can become more effective.
  • Quantitative—Objectives may sometimes change in response to your context, but keep the end goal in mind, continue to measure yourself against the objectives. This can be done through web analytics or web metrics—website performance monitoring service to understand and optimize website usage
  • Qualitative—Primarily anecdotal and used to shift policy objectives. In the end, however, it’s about visualizing the change you are trying to bring in the world, and making it happen.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mexico police are arrested by the army Photo Credit: Tribune Newspapers

Photo Credit: Tribune Newspapers

This month, Mexican president Felipe Calderón, honored his recent Federal Anti-Corruption Initiative by arresting hundreds of federal detectives, prosecutors, and others, from the Mexico’s Attorney General office.

The recent expulsions are part of a broad effort across Mexico to clean up the corrupt police forces historically associated with organized crime, especially the drug cartels responsible for 40,000 deaths since Calderón came to power in 2006.

For the Mexican citizens, though, information on the detention of these authorities is inaccessible, stagnant, and corrupt practices go unprosecuted.

New anti-corruption mapping systems and platforms, however, can make these processes more transparent, and encourage citizen contribution, while holding dishonest authorities more accountable.

Last Tuesday, Mexican Attorney General Marisela Morales said that the agency was currently firing 424 officials, a majority of which failed to pass lie-detector tests, amongst other indicators aiming to oust corrupt authorities.

“We are strengthening our vigilance to make sure that our own officials abide by the law,” Ms. Morales said, according to the Wall Street Journal. This is the second substantial group of lay-offs for federal officers indicted in unlawful practices—last summer 10% of the entire federal police force was fired.

The office intends to administer the lie detector tests to all local, state and federal police this year, while aggregating the results and putting them in a national database, in an effort to ensure fired policemen will not be rehired.

Mexico police officer

Photo Credit: France 24

The recent measure coincides with Calderón’s Anti-Corruption law, approved last year by the Mexican Senate, created to diminish corrupt the police practices closely linked with the drug cartels.

Nevertheless, not evident within the current arrests is how the general public will be able to access this national database, and contribute to it on events they see everyday.

Particularly when the 2010 UN e-government survey found that Mexico had the most advanced e-services development in Latin America and Mexico’s IT spending is forecast to grow at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 10% over 2011- 2015.

Advanced within their connectivity and citizen participatory programs, Mexico should have this national database shared in an open source software system, similar to that of the Kenya’s Open Data Initiative.

Mexican residents should be able to view, and add their own instances of bribery and corruption to the database to lend their perspective on the, “bad cop vs. good cop,” boundary marks—helping to differentiate those people who supposedly protect them.

This website could also include an interactive Ushahidi map to illustrate towns where officers were arrested, and reporting features similar to Ipaidabribe.com.

These participatory mapping and reporting websites would allow Mexican citizens to demonstrate where corruption affects their everyday life the most, and where in public services corruption runs rampant.

Hopefully an engaging approach will help to prosecute abusers, rather than merely detaining them.

 

 

 

Syrian protests with a coffin being carried through the crowd

Photo Credit: Reuters

Current discourse on the Arab Spring excludes social media as the sole perpetuator of the movement—but scholars and activists alike, agree that technology has helped to unify and project, citizen’s feeling of dissent.

My previous post about last Wednesday’s Future Tense event explored some speaker’s discussion on the West’s connection with new technologies, as either aiding or embedding the revolution.

Other panelists, however, elicited a more homegrown, internal perception on how the uprisings evolved.

Merlyna Lim, Professor of at the Consortium of Science, Policy and Outcomes and the School of Social Transformation – Justice and Social Inquiry Program at Arizona State University, discussed origins of anti-Mubarak protests in Egypt.

 

She claimed it was rooted before the Tahir moment occurred, stemming from three stages of organization—networks, narratives and claim making—to mobilize collective action.

The first protest organized exclusively online, without physical headquarters, was arranged by Kefaya in 2004. Using a website called Misr Digital, Lim recalls, the organizers increased the reach of the oppositions movement through the websites by engaging weak ties.

After the death of Khaled Said on June 6, 2010, the participatory youth culture, added emotions onto their organizational network’s narrative—and Egyptians feared being killed.

Khaled Said’s passing changed Egyptian’s view on human rights violations, the panelist stated. While it was once an abstract narrative, they are now saw concrete infringements by the regime—such as corruption, torture, and eventual death.

Egyptians shared these contentions, spreading them by networks. “The Tahir moment was facilitated by cabs, signs, cell phones, word of mouth, SMS, and social media provided the organizing platform,” Lim alluded.

Ahmed Al Omran & Oula Alrifai Photo Credit: New America Foundation

Ahmed Al Omran & Oula Alrifai Photo Credit: New America Foundation

Another panel convened by Oula Alrifai and Ahmed al-Omran discussed their firsthand perspectives on the violence in Syria, and the political and social issues of Saudi Arabia.

Alrifai, a Syrian youth activist discussed the origins of the Syrian protests. With no independent media and post-imprisonment of an Al Jazeera correspondent, she stated, social media and video were the only ways to get information about the revolutions to the outside work.

However, the connections to do so were not always available.

For activists, using cell phones with cameras was the easiest way to take pictures and record videos, but since they had no networks in the ground someimtes they had to cross the borders. Some activists, “were crossing the borders to go to Jordan to download the videos in Internet cafés and (would) come back and fight again or be on the street and protest, risking their lives,” Alrifai said.

Ahmed al-Omran, a blogger for his site saudijeans.org, discussed the excitement many have felt across the Gulf of the revolutions.

Though the demand for freedom and justice in his home country of Saudi Arabia is similar, the dynamic is different—elections do not exist, and Saudis are largely politically unaware because citizens are not allowed to, “practice politics”.

Ahmed only became aware of politics when he started blogging in 2004, as he was not raised discussing the government, but social media gave him an outlet to learn about them. “I think that the Internet and social media has given this generation a space where they can express themselves and engage with one another and talk about the issues that are typically hard to talk about in the public sphere,” he said.

Ahmed also stated that an uprising similar to Egypt will be difficult in Saudi Arabia because of the monarchy, but predicts it will occur because time is on the people’s side. “Money is a short term resolution, these issues need a fundamental solution,” Ahmed poignantly observed, “At some point the money will run out, the oil revenues will not be there forever”.

Though opinions vary on how imperative social media was to aiding the Arab Spring uprisings, almost all scholars and activists agree—it is an organizational tool that can bring like-minded individuals to collaborate for change.

The President of Kenya, Mwai Kibaki, watches a demonstration of the Huduma platform at the Kenya Open Government Data Portal launch, looking on is Dr. Bitange Ndemo, Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Information and Communication

The President of Kenya, Mwai Kibaki, watches a demonstration Photo Credit: Ushahidi

Last Friday, Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki inaugurated the Kenya Open Data Initiative (KODI), an online resource to catalog and display the government’s expenditures—launching the ICT pioneering country into a new epoch of transparency and accountability.

The new initiative is a crucial step for Kenyan citizens to monitor public spending amid previous corrupt practices, including the alleged manipulation of the 2007 elections.

Kenya ranked 154 out of 178 total countries in Transparency International’s 2010 Corruption Perceptions Index.

Screenshot of Kenyan open data initative

Screenshot of KODI

The KODI contains 160 datasets arranged by country-level and county, and is organized within various sectors, including: education, energy, health, population, poverty, along with water and sanitation. Information for the datasets were taken from national census, government ministries, and information from the World Bank.

Prior to creating this information platform, the Kenyan government seldom made statistics and information on these sectors publicly available, or would postpone their release.

Now, however, they are taking a participatory approach to following the new 2010 Kenyan Constitution requiring the government to make information on the country publicly accessible.

On its homepage, the KODI website asserts the new transformation taking place:

Our information is a national asset, and it’s time it was shared: this data is key to improving transparency; unlocking social and economic value; and building Government 2.0 in Kenya

The platform allows citizens to actively engage on the information they want, and need to know.

Users of the open data portal can create interactive charts and tables, and developers can download the raw data to build applications for web and mobile. Additionally, users can press a “suggest a dataset” icon, which aggregates the requests for new information and sorts them according to relevance.

According to the Guardian, Kenyans have already made mass requests for data on youth unemployment, libraries, crime, and the locations of primary and secondary schools.

The data portal is managed by the Kenya ICT Board in partnership with the World Bank, and is powered by Socrata.

In addition to managing the data, the Kenya ICT Board plans to award groups and individuals who configure the data advantageously, intending to give out up to thirty grants to those with the best ideas.

A series of valuable initiatives have already been taking place.

Huduma (Kiswahili for “service”), derived from Ushaidi, has already started to use statistics collected on health, infrastructure, and education to compare the provision of aid across different districts of Kenya. Business Daily, a Nairobi-based news service, had announced plans to publish a series of articles on the newly released applications and services. Virtual Kenya built an application mapping counties where Members of Parliament declined to pay taxes.

 

Screenshot of Ushahidi's Huduma with different Kenyan districts

Screenshot of Ushahidi's Huduma

Kenyan entrepreneurs are now in charge of publicizing this information and making it user-friendly.

Though the Kenyan government has been lambasted for a lack of transparency and accountability in the past, this open source data program allows Kenyan citizens to recognize development challenges and foster their own solutions—leading themselves and their county into a new era of progressive growth.

Malaysian Police face off with thousands of Berish supporters Photo Credit: Saeed Khan/AFP

Photo Credit: Saeed Khan/AFP

Social media may have helped fuel the 50,000 demonstrators who gathered in Kuala Lumpur this past Saturday demanding electoral reforms—despite the Malaysian government responding roughly and deeming the peaceful protests illegal.

Police fired tear gas and water cannons at the dissidents demanding change from a electoral system that they claim has unjustly favored the ruling party since the country’s independence from Britain in 1957.

The recent rally puts pressure on Prime Minister Najib Razak in the racially stimulated Southeast Asian nation, as Malaysia’s next general election is planned for 2013.

Peaceful protesters in Malaysia’s capital were met with police violence, and 1,667 arrests over the span of the weekend, according to reports. In lieu of the aggressive response, Amnesty International urged the UK government yesterday to press Najib to honor the freedom of assembly

“As a current member of the UN Human Rights Council, the Malaysian government should be setting an example to other nations and promoting human rights. Instead they appear to be suppressing them, in the worst campaign of repression we’ve seen in the country for years”, Donna Guest, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for the Asia-Pacific. Amnesty International, states.

Bersih (The Coalition for Fair and Clean Elections) is the oppositional NGO that organized the electoral reform movement called Bersih 2.0.

Bershish Poster with date

Bershish 2.0 Poster

The original Berish protests occurred on November 23, 2006 in the Malaysian Parliament, such attendees included political party leaders, civil society groups and NGOs, including People’s Justice Party (PKR) president, Dr. Wan Azizah Wan Ismail

The electoral reform demands of Berish 2.0, also known as 709, can be summarized in the eight following points:

  1. Clean the electoral roll
  2. Reform postal ballot
  3. Use of indelible ink
  4. Minimum 21 days campaign period
  5. Free and fair access to media
  6. Strengthen public institutions
  7. Stop corruption
  8. Stop dirty politics

Social media’s role in the Malaysian movement was to coordinate groups and record demonstrations.

As of today, the Berish 2.0 Facebook page had over 169,000 fans calling for Najib’s resignation, and the official Twitter account had close to 18,000 fans.

Though there are 10 million Facebook users in Malaysia, the preferred social media platform, protesters shared information over Twitter on how to circumvent sealed off roads and closed train stations to get to the protests.

screenshot of @ask_ivan's Google map of the Malaysian government's roadblocks

@ask_ivan's Google map of the Malaysian government's roadblocks

While Facebook and Twitter were used for mobilization purposes, videos circulated on Youtube broadcast the movement to the world.

Over the span of the weekend 2,000 Youtube videos were uploaded with 2,774,812 total views based on the single keyword “Bersih 2.0″ on YouTube

As the case with the Arab Spring protests, the truth behind the movement is told by first hand perspectives of civil society, not the political parties. Social media is not a panacea current uprisings, but rather serve as a medium for organization and propagate that truth.

 

Seal of the Government of Southern SudanThe Government of Southern Soudan (GoSS) announced in May that it is adopting electronic public finance management to reduce and prevent corruption.

Salvatore Garang Mabiordit, the under secretary in the ministry of finance announced the South Sudan government was launching public finance management system under an e-government project.

Mabiordit said the government is currently taking all its top and middle level civil service leaders through electronic systems on public management. He further added that successful implementation of the project would mark part of what he called the gradual shift towards e-government and increased internet use in the delivery of public services.

The senior official said technocrats were crafting the way forward on government transformation through a connected government, noting that such a move would reduce or do away with issues such as ghost workers – who exist only on paper in order for officials to steal public funds.

He expressed hope that the government would improve its investment climate and recover lost ground in the fight against corruption by digitizing information of key sectors in the economy. The e-systems being given to government employees involve human resource and financial systems management, among others.

In 2006 South Sudan’s President, Salva Kiir, set up the South Sudan Anti-Corruption Commission (SSACC) and in 2009 granted the commissioner’s office the power of prosecution. However, the SSACC has not prosecuted a single official in South Sudan.

Mabiordit added that the enforcement of e-government needed skilled human capital.

“Without proper training, implementation of e-government program can hit a wall but those trained will be able to train others from district to lower levels,” he said.

Numerous challenges, rapidly changing dynamics of world operational systems, have forced many governments and countries to switch on to ICT in a quest to simply work and enhance efficiency in both public and private systems.

The ongoing construction of the National ICT broadband backbone (NICTBB) stands is put forward by officials as a practical demonstrations of the South Sudan government’s commitment to promote ICT and enforce e-government in public delivery systems.

He said recognizing the importance of training, the e-government agency and Multi Training Center (MTC) were training government executives, at all levels — from national, regional, district down to the local government levels, to use the ICT systems.

Already, about 200 public servants, particularly from national and regional levels, have been trained on e-government systems, noting that the target is to train government executives at all levels.

“The next step is to take same knowledge down to the district and local government levels,” he said.

Mabiordit said the government uses a “train the trainers approach” – training a few officials who are then able to train others in their respective offices — at central, regional, district and local government levels.

He also suggested a shift to good examples of “m-Government”, where alerts can be sent through text or SMS messages on a mobile phone to notify citizens that a request for assistance has been processed, that a permit needs to be renewed or that an emergency advisory notice has been issued.

According to him, government institutions have in the past fared worse than their private counterparts in e-practices because of lack of skilled personnel and failure to consult experts.

The official made the statement following the commencement of a two-week training for 25 customs officers from across South Sudan, which is due to become independent tomorrow, July 9.

“Considering the importance of the role of customs towards the development of the new independent country, the training aims at enhancing and fostering the capacity of customs officers in Southern Sudan through the latest customs procedures in accordance with international standards”, said Mabiordit.

He explained that the course is being conducted through the collaboration of the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) and Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA).

“This training is part of technical support for the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, Government of Southern Sudan sponsored by JICA. It is a continuation of training given of the custom officers earlier this year. Twelve other customs officers had already received training in March 2011 at the KRA Training Institute in Mombasa, Kenya”, he explained.

 

This post originally appeared in The Sudan Tribune

I paid a bribe screen shot: this is a single window collection counter. The bribes are also collected here

Transparency International is well known for their Corruption Perception Index, but the organization is also looking closely at ICT tools that are forging a new frontier for the collection and dissemination of information on bribery and corruption.

Although these diagnostic tools have been helpful in enhancing good governance because they invite participation from civil society, they also raise some challenging issues.

In an interview with Francesco De Simone of Transparency International U.S.A., he observes that one of the key issues of these new tools is how to guarantee accuracy of information so that it can be leveraged to reduce corrupt practices and promote good governance.

Bribespot is an online application allowing users to anonymously report instances of bribery that can be seen on Google maps; then identifies the size of the bribe, and area of government affected.

One issue with anonymous crowdsourcing tools is they may be vulnerable to being used for libel and defamation, De Simone states.

Without a source to pinpoint evidence of the bribe occurring, authorities accused of serious allegations can argue it defames their character, dismiss the accusation, and refuse to change their corrupt behavior.

Bribespot and Ipaidabribe.com reduce the risk of defamation by limiting the number of accesses or reports from certain users, cellular phone numbers or IP addresses.

screen shot of Bribespot where a 900,000 bribe in Brazil reported

Although not citing a specific individual, this screenshot on Bribespot shows how anonymity could be problematic

Another issue, De Simone notes, is the lack of understanding of what constitutes an actual bribe in the country.

Ipaidabribe.com, has similar applications to Bribespot, but addresses that shortcoming.

The website’s forum has a question and answer section on the correct procedures of public service departments in India, such as the Police Department or land sales, and the corresponding proper processes. The website also has a short test users can take to verify how much they know about bribery.

These features reduce inaccurate postings and provide a benchmark: when people are charged incorrectly, they know that they are paying a bribe.

Though seemingly commonplace to the Western world, it is important for people in the developing world to have a clear understanding of what a bribe is since they likely have to deal with corruption on a daily basis.

screenshot of ipaidabribe question and answer forum

Screenshot of ipaidabribe.com's explanation on procedures to pay property taxes

While some sites do not include all features of the ideal diagnostic tool, some play an important role in easing corrupt practices and should not be discounted.

De Simone believes these websites are most effective when they are used for a practical purpose and tied to a policy reform, such as Ushahidi monitoring elections in Nigeria, or ipaidabribe’s reports on government agencies that have received multiple corruption allegations. These type of citizen reports hold governments accountable and can help to spur social change.

Though Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index put corruption on their map, new crowd-sourcing and crowd-mapping tools are making strides for anti-corruption and good governance. “Every step we take towards the goal of decreasing corruption worldwide is a good step to take,” De Simone said with a smile.

 

 

Syrian child in protest with colors of the flag on his face Photo Credit: © Sham News Network

Photo Credit: © Sham News Network

Muhammad, 27, fled his home in the port city of Latakia last March, and deserted his job as cameraman for the Syrian state television network.

He now opts to use his acquired skills for media activism.

Similarly, Osama, 22, is a soldier for the state army who refuses to shoot at his fellow Syrians in protests.

He now arms himself with a brand-new-video-equipped smartphone, instead of a gun.

These two cases exemplify a recent transformation from Syria’s previous state media and soldiers, to activists who are “bearing witness,” to the atrocities being committed by the Syrian government.

Caption: Supporters of Syria's President Bashar al-Assad shout slogans in Syria's northern city of Aleppo, March 27, 2011. REUTERS/George Ourfalian

"Supporters" of Syria's President Bashar al-Assad shout slogans in Syria's northern city of Aleppo, March 27, 2011. Photo Credit: Reuters/George Ourfalian

The Syrian government uses their state television network as a medium to propagate images of citizens attacking soldiers during protests, when the opposite is reality; and airs images of peaceful demonstrators at pro-Assad rallies, instead of showcasing dissidents.

Civil society wants to achieve social change by recording what their eyes and ears see and hear.

Muhammad is rectifying his work on the state channel, arguing that the station “threatens people’s lives,” by refusing to film the violence against protesters, or blaming them for soldiers deaths.

He is making amends through his work exposing the true stories of Syria’s pro-democracy uprising, with a great combination of technical skill and secrecy.

The true stories of Syria’s revolution are unreported, he says, because the intelligence community, called the Mukhabarat, control everything projected outwards. “The world does not know what is happening here,” he says, “The Mukhabarat are killing people without any media attention.”

“Syrian media lies, lies, lies,” Muhammad states. “I had to leave my job to protect the Syrian people, here in the valley and everywhere else.”

Muhammad is part of a group of cyberactivists who clamor to obtain footage of military forces as they roll into towns. There are also Syrians within the military itself engaging in the cyberactivist movement, despite personal costs.

Military service is compulsory in Syria, unless they are the only male child or pay a heavy wage, and lasts almost two years. In 2010, army regulars were estimated at 220,000 troops, with an additional 300,000 in reserve.

22-year-old Osama is a Syrian soldier who obtains footage while serving since he bought a brand-new video-equipped smartphone in the Syrian tech capital of Bahtha.

“They told me that Israel had occupied Daraa, and some people there were siding with Zionism against our president, so we had to go and liberate the city,” he says. But “there was no Israeli occupation there. We were actually occupying the city, there was nobody else”.

In a still frame from video posted online by Syrian activists, a soldier appeared to plant ammunition among the bodies of protesters who had been shot and killed. Photo Credit: NYTimes

In a still frame from video posted online by Syrian activists, a soldier appeared to plant ammunition among the bodies of protesters who had been shot and killed. Photo Credit: NYTimes

According to an article in Wired.com, Osama frequently takes days off to visit a friend’s house with a satellite link. The individual coordinates these teams of so-called video soldiers, taking their full flash cards and gives them back empty ones. He has recently been uploading and distributing the mobile camera footage on Youtube and Facebook.

One clip, posted online in the beginning of June and shared on a Syrian activist Facebook page, was supposedly produced by one of the shabiha, the militia loyal to President Bashar al-Assad.

This featured activist’s video shows heroic music over images of heavily armed men in uniforms smiling and laughing as they chat near the bloody corpses of two men in civilian clothes.

“I decided to start filming and documenting the truth when I realized the amount of lies we are forced to believe at the army,” says Rami, who is another Syrian soldier interviewed by Wired.com.

“This will be my weapon,” Osama asserts, and wonders: “Maybe one day, when this is over, I will throw my gun away and become a video reporter. Inshallah.”

While the outside world has been watching video clips of barbarism, Syria’s state-controlled media has repeatedly published and broadcasted violent images that the government maintains stems from protesters. It seems, however, both state media and shabiha are taking initiatives to show the reality of the situation, one video at a time.

 

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Last week a State Department official responded to the NY Times article on the “Internet Suitcases,” defending the main goal of the U.S.’s investment on the innovative technology as upholding the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights.

The Times article cited that the U.S. government is investing in individualized mesh networks, which are networks connected through individual nodes that do not have to rely on a central server to capture and disseminate information.

It was contested that this type of technology is ideal, and being provided by the U.S., for dissidents living in oppressive regimes to subvert censorship and avoid Internet shutdowns.

Acknowledging this, the official maintains, “…to fight against regimes is not the main aim, but rather, leveraging modern communication to uphold the freedom of expression of opinion is.”

Arguably, governments that respect the rights of civil society have nothing to fear in freedom of speech and opinion, further, they have no reason to fear freedom of the Internet.

The official admits that the Internet is not a one-size-fits-all solution and recent grants have been given to developing technology itself along with raining, and have been used on mobile innovation, citing mobile causing a, “pocket phenomenon.”

According to the official, “…the need is not one particular piece of technology or one silver bullet. The need is to be responsive to the ongoing challenges of people who are trying to call out the problems in their societies and give voice to their own future.”

The official referenced a Sudanese blogger writing about a YouTube video of a ballot box being stuffed, commenting that the National Election Commission would not investigate any evidence that was posted on the Internet. Instead, he/she cited, people posting the video were the ones being targeted and investigated.

In cases like these, the official recounted, it is the State Department’s obligation to help aid these freedoms by re-crafting the current model.

“And it hasn’t worked for Mubarak, and it hasn’t worked for Qadhafi, and it’s unlikely to work for Asad, and there are others who eventually will have to deal with either the stark choice of giving people the space to have a role in crafting their own futures or the lack of sustainability of their present model,” the official stated.

However, when asked by reporters which countries or groups this type of technology was being developed for, the official deferred questions about China, only stating that the Great Chinese Firewall and their type of censorship is a “different kind of freedom threat.”

…our goal is to make sure that we are doing what we can to amplify the voices and create the space for free expression and freedom of association and assembly online regardless of who the group is

The State Department’s recent statements are in light of the recent U.N. report declaring Internet access as a basic human right. The mesh networking innovation has the potential to leapfrog connectivity barriers and deliver freedom of expression to the oppressed.

 

 

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